Home Uncategorized “They Saw the World in This Dog-Eat-Dog, Manichaean Way”: The Ugly ’90s Roots of…


“They Saw the World in This Dog-Eat-Dog, Manichaean Way”: The Ugly ’90s Roots of…

by Ace Damon
“They Saw the World in This Dog-Eat-Dog, Manichaean Way”: The Ugly ’90s Roots of...

Trump today can dominate the news with a wandering tweet or shouting over the rotating blades of the presidential helicopter on the White House lawn. Giuliani had different tools, but he implemented them promptly. "There was so much news," said David Seifman, head of the New York Post Mayor who covered all New York mayors who returned to Ed Koch before retiring this year, still wincing at the attack the mayor could unleash. "People wanted to feel like someone was in charge, and Rudy gave them that."

New York leaders besides Giuliani and US leaders besides Trump tended to their images carefully, afraid of overexposure or gaffing, or even wasting time in a powerless constituency. I believed. own to have. But Giuliani made a point of doing a show. "At 2 pm every day Rudy just shakes his cock and shouts at people," said Rick Wilson, then Giuliani's media consultant and now a prominent Republican "Never Trump." “We had a strategy that we would come out with and spread the news every day. Politicians are created to avoid controversy. Giuliani understood, and Trump understands, the value of a different model in which you are trying to confront media to separate media from people so that people do not see media as a legitimate source of truth and information. "

And just as Trump, even as he sits as the leader of the free world, recounts his Time magazine covers and broadcasts his mentions to Fox & Friends, so Giuliani's attitude at DGAF belied someone who was obsessed with being covered, who he used to receive on the "Ice Cream Truck" the white van GMC Suburban that would take him around town and call 1010 Wins and 880 and smile when he mentioned his name. "They both grew up in a world on page six," Wilson said. "Are you making news or nothing?"

For Giuliani, this news, for the most part, meant playing with the lowest common denominator: whites who lived largely in the outlying districts and were dismayed at the turn the city took in the previous decade, which Bernhard Goetz considered “ Subway". Vigilante ”, a hero. Giuliani made it clear that their New York was his.

Giuliani's denouement came at the end of his second term, when some undercover police officers approached a security guard standing outside the Distinguished Wakamba Cocktail Lounge, a wall bar in the clothing district. One tried to buy drugs from the man, whose name was Patrick Dorismond. Dorismond, who was inside having drinks with his friends, told them he had none. A fight ensued, and Dorismond was killed. In the ensuing outrage, Giuliani ordered Dorismond's police records to be sealed to show that he had several misdemeanor arrests, despite the fact that he did so. against the law. Giuliani insisted that Dorismond "was not an altar boy" although in fact he had been, and also attended the same Catholic school that Giuliani attended years earlier. "It was like Trump drawing with Sharpie on the map of hurricanes," said Mark Green, the city's public defender at the time and a consistent Giuliani role. "He was breaking the law and violating this poor boy's privacy, just to make a political remark."

It was a play that Giuliani repeated several times; as much as trump warned before the middle of a caravan of migrants coming to murder neighborhood children, whenever Giuliani had a chance, he would attack the poorest groups of New Yorkers –squeegee menfalafel cart Providers, ferret owners. He supposed refused meet with black elected officials in the city, regardless of their position or concern. "I don't usually like to define people that way," recalled former Manhattan district president C. Virginia Fields, who was one of the elected officials the mayor refused to meet. "But he was just an absolute racist and out of control."



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